Stalking the Wild Taboo - WSJ Statement on The Bell Curve
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for many years when it disappeared in about 2011. It was
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Mainstream Science on Intelligence
This public statement, signed by 52 internationally known
scholars, was active on the information highway early in 1995
following several rather heated and negative responses to
Herrnstein & Murray's The Bell Curve.
It was first published in The Wall Street Journal,
Tuesday, December 13, 1994. An alphabetical listing of the
scholars and their home institutions are given at the end of the
statement.
Prologue
Since the publication of "The BELL CURVE," many commentators have
offered opinions about human intelligence that misstate current
scientific evidence. Some conclusions dismissed in the media as
discredited are actually firmly supported.
This statement outlines conclusions regarded as mainstream among
researchers on intelligence, in particular, on the nature,
origins, and practical consequences of individual and group
differences in intelligence. Its aim is to promote more reasoned
discussion of the vexing phenomenon that the research has revealed
in recent decades. The following conclusions are fully described
in the major textbooks, professional journals and encyclopedias in
intelligence.
The Meaning and Measurement of Intelligence
- Intelligence is a very general mental capability that, among
other things, involves the ability to reason, plan, solve
problems, think abstractly, comprehend complex ideas, learn
quickly and learn from experience. It is not merely book
learning, a narrow academic skill, or test-taking smarts.
Rather, it reflects a broader and deeper capability for
comprehending our surroundings -- "catching on," "making sense"
of things, or "figuring out" what to do.
- Intelligence, so defined, can be measured, and intelligence
tests measure it well. They are among the most accurate (in
technical terms, reliable and valid) of all psychological tests
and assessments. They do not measure creativity, character,
personality, or other important differences among individuals,
nor are they intended to.
- While there are different types of intelligence tests, they
all measure the same intelligence. Some use words or numbers and
require specific cultural knowledge (like vocabulary). Others do
not, and instead use shapes or designs and require knowledge of
only simple, universal concepts (many/few, open/closed,
up/down).
- The spread of people along the IQ continuum, from low to high,
can be represented well by the BELL CURVE (in statistical
jargon, the "normal CURVE"). Most people cluster around the
average (IQ 100). Few are either very bright or very dull: About
3% of Americans score above IQ 130 (often considered the
threshold for "giftedness"), with about the same percentage
below IQ 70 (IQ 70-75 often being considered the threshold for
mental retardation).
- Intelligence tests are not culturally biased against American
blacks or other native-born, English-speaking peoples in the
U.S. Rather, IQ scores predict equally accurately for all such
Americans, regardless of race and social class. Individuals who
do not understand English well can be given either a nonverbal
test or one in their native language.
- The brain processes underlying intelligence are still little
understood. Current research looks, for example, at speed of
neural transmission, glucose (energy) uptake, and electrical
activity of the brain.
Group Differences
- Members of all racial-ethnic groups can be found at every IQ
level. The BELL CURVES of different groups overlap considerably,
but groups often differ in where their members tend to cluster
along the IQ line. The BELL CURVES for some groups (Jews and
East Asians) are centered somewhat higher than for whites in
general. Other groups (blacks and Hispanics) are centered
somewhat lower than non-Hispanic whites.
- The BELL CURVE for whites is centered roughly around IQ 100;
the BELL CURVE for American blacks roughly around 85; and those
for different subgroups of Hispanics roughly midway between
those for whites and blacks. The evidence is less definitive for
exactly where above IQ 100 the BELL CURVES for Jews and Asians
are centered.
Practical Importance
- IQ is strongly related, probably more so than any other single
measurable human trait, to many important educational,
occupational, economic, and social outcomes. Its relation to the
welfare and performance of individuals is very strong in some
arenas in life (education, military training), moderate but
robust in others (social competence), and modest but consistent
in others (law-abidingness). Whatever IQ tests measure, it is of
great practical and social importance.
- A high IQ is an advantage in life because virtually all
activities require some reasoning and decision-making.
Conversely, a low IQ is often a disadvantage, especially in
disorganized environments. Of course, a high IQ no more
guarantees success than a low IQ guarantees failure in life.
There are many exceptions, but the odds for success in our
society greatly favor individuals with higher IQs.
- The practical advantages of having a higher IQ increase as
life settings become more complex (novel, ambiguous, changing,
unpredictable, or multi-faceted). For example, a high IQ is
generally necessary to perform well in highly complex or fluid
jobs (the professions, management); it is a considerable
advantage in moderately complex jobs (crafts, clerical and
police work); but it provides less advantage in settings that
require only routine decision making or simple problem solving
(unskilled work).
- Differences in intelligence certainly are not the only factor
affecting performance in education, training, and highly complex
jobs (no one claims they are), but intelligence is often the
most important. When individuals have already been selected for
high (or low) intelligence and so do not differ as much in IQ,
as in graduate school (or special education), other influences
on performance loom larger in comparison.
- Certain personality traits, special talents, aptitudes,
physical capabilities, experience, and the like are important
(sometimes essential) for successful performance in many jobs,
but they have narrower (or unknown) applicability or
"transferability" across tasks and settings compared with
general intelligence. Some scholars choose to refer to these
other human traits as other "intelligences."
Source and Stability of Within-Group Differences
- Individuals differ in intelligence due to differences in both
their environments and genetic heritage. Heritability estimates
range from 0.4 to 0.8 (on a scale from 0 to 1), most thereby
indicating that genetics plays a bigger role than does
environment in creating IQ differences among individuals.
(Heritability is the squared correlation of phenotype with
genotype.) If all environments were to become equal for
everyone, heritability would rise to 100% because all remaining
differences in IQ would necessarily be genetic in origin.
- Members of the same family also tend to differ substantially
in intelligence (by an average of about 12 IQ points) for both
genetic and environmental reasons. They differ genetically
because biological brothers and sisters share exactly half their
genes with each parent and, on the average, only half with each
other. They also differ in IQ because they experience different
environments within the same family.
- That IQ may be highly heritable does not mean that it is not
affected by the environment. Individuals are not born with
fixed, unchangeable levels of intelligence (no one claims they
are). IQs do gradually stabilize during childhood, however, and
generally change little thereafter.
- Although the environment is important in creating IQ
differences, we do not know yet how to manipulate it to raise
low IQs permanently. Whether recent attempts show promise is
still a matter of considerable scientific debate.
- Genetically caused differences are not necessarily
irremediable (consider diabetes, poor vision, and phenal
ketonuria), nor are environmentally caused ones necessarily
remediable (consider injuries, poisons, severe neglect, and some
diseases). Both may be preventable to some extent.
Source and Stability of Between-Group Differences
- There is no persuasive evidence that the IQ BELL CURVES for
different racial-ethnic groups are converging. Surveys in some
years show that gaps in academic achievement have narrowed a bit
for some races, ages, school subjects and skill levels, but this
picture seems too mixed to reflect a general shift in IQ levels
themselves.
- Racial-ethnic differences in IQ BELL CURVES are essentially
the same when youngsters leave high school as when they enter
first grade. However, because bright youngsters learn faster
than slow learners, these same IQ differences lead to growing
disparities in amount learnedas youngsters progress from grades
one to 12. As large national surveyscontinue to show, black
17-year-olds perform, on the average, more likewhite
13-year-olds in reading, math, and science, with Hispanics
inbetween.
- The reasons that blacks differ among themselves in
intelligenceappear to be basically the same as those for why
whites (or Asians orHispanics) differ among themselves. Both
environment and geneticheredity are involved.
- There is no definitive answer to why IQ bell curves differ
acrossracial-ethnic groups. The reasons for these IQ differences
betweengroups may be markedly different from the reasons for why
individualsdiffer among themselves within any particular group
(whites or blacks orAsians). In fact, it is wrong to assume, as
many do, that the reason whysome individuals in a population
have high IQs but others have low IQs must be the same reason
why some populations contain more such high (or low) IQ
individuals than others. Most experts believe that environment
is important in pushing the bell curves apart, but that genetics
could be involved too.
- Racial-ethnic differences are somewhat smaller but still
substantial for individuals from the same socioeconomic
backgrounds. To illustrate, black students from prosperous
families tend to score higher in IQ than blacks from poor
families, but they score no higher, on average, than whites from
poor families.
- Almost all Americans who identify themselves as black have
white ancestors -- the white admixture is about 20%, on average
-- and many self-designated whites, Hispanics, and others
likewise have mixed ancestry. Because research on intelligence
relies on self-classification into distinct racial categories,
as does most other social-science research, its findings
likewise relate to some unclear mixture of social and biological
distinctions among groups (no one claims otherwise).
Implications for Social Policy
- The research findings neither dictate nor preclude any
particular social policy, because they can never determine our
goals. They can, however, help us estimate the likely success
and side-effects of pursuing those goals via different means.
The following professors -- all experts in intelligence and
allied fields -- have signed this statement:
- Richard D. Arvey, University of Minnesota
- Thomas J. Bouchard, Jr., University of Minnesota
- John B. Carroll, Un. of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
- Raymond B. Cattell, University of Hawaii
- David B. Cohen, University of Texas at Austin
- Rene V. Dawis, University of Minnesota
- Douglas K. Detterman, Case Western Reserve Un.
- Marvin Dunnette, University of Minnesota
- Hans Eysenck, University of London
- Jack Feldman, Georgia Institute of Technology
- Edwin A. Fleishman, George Mason University
- Grover C. Gilmore, Case Western Reserve University
- Robert A. Gordon, Johns Hopkins University
- Linda S. Gottfredson, University of Delaware
- Robert L. Greene, Case Western Reserve University
- Richard J.Haier, University of Callifornia at Irvine
- Garrett Hardin, University of California at Berkeley
- Robert Hogan, University of Tulsa
- Joseph M. Horn, University of Texas at Austin
- Lloyd G. Humphreys, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
- John E. Hunter, Michigan State University
- Seymour W. Itzkoff, Smith College
- Douglas N. Jackson, Un. of Western Ontario
- James J. Jenkins, University of South Florida
- Arthur R. Jensen, University of California at Berkeley
- Alan S. Kaufman, University of Alabama
- Nadeen L. Kaufman, California School of Professional
Psychology at San Diego
- Timothy Z. Keith, Alfred University
- Nadine Lambert, University of California at Berkeley
- John C. Loehlin, University of Texas at Austin
- David Lubinski, Iowa State University
- David T. Lykken, University of Minnesota
- Richard Lynn, University of Ulster at Coleraine
- Paul E. Meehl, University of Minnesota
- R. Travis Osborne, University of Georgia
- Robert Perloff, University of Pittsburgh
- Robert Plomin, Institute of Psychiatry, London
- Cecil R. Reynolds, Texas A & M University
- David C. Rowe, University of Arizona
- J. Philippe Rushton, Un. of Western Ontario
- Vincent Sarich, University of California at Berkeley
- Sandra Scarr, University of Virginia
- Frank L. Schmidt, University of Iowa
- Lyle F. Schoenfeldt, Texas A & M University
- James C. Sharf, George Washington University
- Herman Spitz, former director E.R. Johnstone Training and
Research Center, Bordentown, N.J.
- Julian C. Stanley, Johns Hopkins University
- Del Thiessen, University of Texas at Austin
- Lee A. Thompson, Case Western Reserve University
- Robert M. Thorndike, Western Washington Un.
- Philip Anthony Vernon, Un. of Western Ontario
- Lee Willerman, University of Texas at Austin